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Benefits Background on estimating benefits
Costs and benefits of treatment to taxpaying citizens
Specific economic impacts: crime, health care, and productivity
Conclusion
The components of economic impacts analyzed in this chapter are very similar to those
studied as part of the original CALDATA report. This chapter analyzes the costs of treatment
and the estimated benefits to taxpayers an index of economic impacts that includes reductions in the
burden of crime, healthcare utilization, and welfare/disability payments. This study did not, and
could not, assess certain other economic values pertaining to persons who received welfare
income, were raising children, and/or report custody or parenting problems. For example, this study
could not ascertain the economic benefits that accrued directly to the children who were in households
where parents were treated for substance abuse problems. Such economic benefits could include
the prevention of publicly-subsidized out-of-home placements for neglected, abused, impoverished,
or involuntarily abandoned children, as well as the long term impact of successfully treated parents
on their children s educational performance, employment productivity, and other dimensions of
well-being. These kinds of benefits could have present economic values comparable in scale to
the direct effects of treatment. However, we have no good empirical basis for modeling such effects at this
time, so we can only recognize their potential importance and recommend that data and methods
be developed in future research to assess them.
Background on estimating benefits
This chapter discusses the economic costs and benefits of treatment for women and men who
relied on welfare income, had children, had parenting or custody issues, or some combination of
these. Data analyzed here are based on similar data reported in the first CALDATA report,
Evaluating Recovery Services. The report estimated that, from the perspective of taxpayers, the
economic benefits of treatment (totaling over $1.49 billion) outweighed the cost of treatment
($209 million) by a factor of 7 to 1. This was due mostly to reductions in crime and partly to reductions
in healthcare. Economic gains during and after treatment were also slightly offset by increases in
the amount of welfare income received by persons during and after treatment. Equivocal
employment outcomes in the CALDATA sample resulted in less strong conclusions about the
benefits of treatment when viewed from the perspective of society.
The three major categories of substance abuse-related economic impacts (and benefits) are
crime, health, and productivity. This study applies the standard "cost of illness" methodology to
calculate economic impacts of drug and alcohol abuse for the years before and after treatment
and the period during treatment. Average costs for specific behaviors are applied to client- reported
engagement in those behaviors.
Avoided costs equals "benefits." Calculating the benefits of
treatment entails a comparison of the economic impacts of treatment clients before treatment with their
impacts during and after treatment. When economic impacts either during or following treatment are lower than the
baseline costs, a "benefit" is said to exist. Conversely, when economic impacts during or following
treatment are greater than the baseline, benefits take on a negative value.
Costs to Taxpaying Citizens includes losses to individuals who do not engage in drug abuse
or related behavior. For these people, loss of earnings for a drug or alcohol dependent person is
of less concern, but the value of theft losses or the amount of money expended on welfare and
disability for drug and alcohol dependent persons is viewed as a tangible cost. While most substance
abusers do pay taxes to some extent, the largest part of the tax bill is borne by those that are not substance
abusers. The following components define costs to taxpaying citizens as measured in this
analysis:
- Criminal Justice System Costs: the cost of police protection services, prosecution,
adjudication, public defense, and corrections (incarceration and parole/probation).
- Victim Losses: victim expenditures on medical care, repairs of damaged property, and lost
time from work that result from predatory crimes.
- Theft Losses: the estimated value of property or money stolen during a crime, excluding
any property damage or other victim losses.
- Health Care Service Utilization: the economic value of inpatient, outpatient, and
emergency medical care and inpatient and outpatient mental health care that could have been
avoided.
- Income Transfers: transactions in which resources are moved from non-substance abusing
law-abiders to others via gifts, public assistance, or public and private disability insurance.
There clearly are other types of "cost" borne by taxpayers and society that are not represented
in this study. For example, it is not possible at present to estimate:
- decrements in household productivity or responsibility among substance abusers;
- social impacts on family and friends;
- short-term and long-term impacts on children in the care of substance abusers who may, as
a result, suffer greater risk of neglect, abuse, poverty, abandonment (including involuntary
abandonment due to incarceration), or other forms of deficient parenting.
Analysis of CALDATA indicates that many CALDATA clients who received welfare income
before, during, or after treatment also received some income legitimate full- or part-time
employment. However, it is not possible at present to disentangle the sequence of employment
and welfare receipt.
The remainder of this chapter presents the costs and benefits of treatment for different
subgroups. The chapter concludes with an analysis of changes in crime, healthcare, and income
from welfare, productivity, and employment among CALDATA clients.
Costs and benefits of treatment to taxpaying citizens
The benefits of treating the CALDATA population, as viewed by taxpayers, outweighed the
costs of treatment regardless of whether a treatment recipient was male or female, received
welfare income, had children, or reported parenting concerns. The cost and benefits to taxpayers of
treatment provided in California are summarized in Table 5.1 and analyzed separately for women
and men, and for subgroups of interest within gender. We first discuss the average cost of
treatment and average length of stay per episode of treatment, followed by economic impacts before
treatment and savings during and after treatment. Total savings and benefits divided by costs are presented
last. It is important to note again that the potential intergenerational benefits of treatment savings
in health care, social services, and remedial or other special educational services to children of
substance abusers are not included in this analysis. These benefits would accrue more to
treatment of women than men because of their higher incidence of child rearing responsibilities.
- On average, a CALDATA treatment episode cost about $1,361.
- Treatment for men cost about 5 percent more on average than for women, and about 25
percent more than the average cost of treatment for women with children ($1,088). These
differences reflected the lower percentage of women in residential treatment settings, which
were about 5 to 8 times more expensive per week than outpatient treatment, and their shorter
stays in treatment, particularly in residential settings.
- The average cost of a treatment episode was nearly identical for women with children who
did and did not receive welfare income.
- On average, a CALDATA treatment episode lasted 95 days (for those discharged from
treatment in other words, excluding continuous methadone clients).(Endnote 7)
- The average treatment episode lasted 96 days for women with children, 90 days for women
who received welfare income, and 80 days on average for women with both children and
welfare income. These lengths of stay are appreciably shorter than for women who did not
have children (137 days), did not receive welfare income (136 days), and women who had
no children, no welfare income, and no other parenting/custody problems (167 days).
- In the year before treatment, treatment recipients imposed costs on taxpayers of $22,787,
including the economic cost of crime, health care, and welfare/disability receipt.
- Women in general imposed a lower economic burden in the year before treatment than men,
averaging $18,000 to $19,000 for most women. Women with children who received welfare
income cost taxpayers about $18,000 whereas women with no children, welfare income, or
parent/custody issues cost about $15,000.
- Reductions during treatment and after treatment in costly behaviors "saved" taxpaying
citizens $10,118 in total, but the largest savings were among men who had higher
pre-treatment economic impacts.
- Savings were lower among women with children compared to women without children
($4,307 vs. $7,008), among women who received welfare income compared to women who
did not receive welfare income ($3,268 vs. $7,419), and among women who had children and
received welfare income compared with those who had neither ($2,913 vs. $6,497).
- Despite lower overall savings among women with children and/or welfare, the benefits of
treatment outweigh the costs of treatment by 2.5 to 1 (welfare recipients) and 2.7 to 1
(women with children and who received welfare income). While these returns on investment
are smaller than found among women without children, welfare, or either, the treatment was
still strongly cost-beneficial.
Table 5.1
Costs and Benefits to Taxpaying Citizens
| |
Treatment Cost
| Length of Stay (Days) | Impact Before | Savings During | Savings After |
Total Savings
| Benefit to Cost Ratio
|
| Women | | | | | | | |
| Children | $1,088 | 96 | $1,826 | $1,163 | $3,145 | $4,307 | 3.96 |
| Welfare | $1,283 | 90 | $1,834 | $807 | $2,462 | $3,268 | 2.55 |
| Children+Welfare | $1,082 | 80 | $1,805 | $495 | $2,418 | $2,913 | 2.69 |
| Children/No Welfare | $1,105 | 121 | $1,858 | $2,351 | $4,373 | $6,724 | 6.09 |
| No Child, Welfare | $1,757 | 167 | $14,996 | $2,641 | $3,857 | $6,497 | 3.70 |
| Men | | | | | | | |
| Children | $1,207 | 93 | $1,923 | $1,253 | $4,091 | $5,343 | 4.43 |
| Welfare | $1,538 | 76 | $2,960 | $1,260 | $9,079 | $10,340 | 6.72 |
| TOTAL | $1,361 | 95 | $22,787 | $2,082 | $8,037 | $10,118 | 7.43 |
Specific costs and benefits: crime, health care, and productivity
The economic impacts of crimes committed by CALDATA clients were generally lower
among women compared with men.
- Pre-treatment economic impacts for crime were also lower among women with children and
women who received welfare income compared with their counterparts.
- While there was a 42 percent drop in crime related costs from before to after treatment
among all CALDATA clients, women with children had lower improvement than women
without children (25% versus 42%) and women who received welfare income had lower
improvement than women who did not receive welfare income (22% versus 42%). Women
who had children and/or received welfare income started with lower costs associated with
crime, but had lower proportionate reductions in crime committed.
The costs associated with health care utilization averaged about $3,200 before treatment for
all CALDATA clients. Health care constitutes a relatively small share of the economic cost of
substance abuse imposed on taxpayers (14%).
- Women who received welfare income had lower health care costs than women who did not
receive welfare income, but had substantially greater increases in health care costs in the year
after treatment compared with their counterparts (20% versus 3%). This difference may be
a result of a greater awareness of health problems or greater stability to follow through and
complete courses of medical care as a result of the alcohol or drug treatment contact.
- While women with or without children did not substantially differ on pre-treatment health
care costs (3,000 vs. $3,300), women with children virtually did not change their health care
costs from before to after treatment (-4%), whereas women without children increased health
care costs by 15 percent.
- Women with children and who received welfare income used $2,200 worth of health care
before treatment, and increased this use by 12 percent in the year after treatment. Women
with neither children nor welfare typically used $3,600 worth of health care in the year before
treatment, but decreased this use by 13 percent in the year after treatment.
We analyzed in more detail the proportion of CALDATA clients who received welfare,
disability, and legitimate earnings either before, during, or after treatment, and the average
amount received by those receiving any of these funds. The key findings are as follows:
- Welfare eligibility and receipt were dynamic. About 30 percent of women who received
welfare income before treatment received no welfare income in the year after treatment,
while about 16 percent of women who received no welfare income before treatment began
receiving welfare income during and following treatment. Overall, there was a slight net
decrease in welfare receipts, matching a nonsignificant slight decrease in the overall
percentage who received welfare payments.
- About 60 percent of the women who were raising children received welfare income in the
year before treatment, compared with 20 percent of women with no children. For both
subgroups, this proportion increased somewhat during treatment then dropped after
treatment.
- Women with children received an average of $5,400 in welfare income in the year before
treatment and about $5,100 in the year after treatment, while women with no children
received on average $2,500 in welfare income before treatment and $3,000 in the year after
treatment.
- In no population subgroup studied were more persons employed either full- or part-time after
treatment than before treatment. Rates of employment either stayed the same or dropped
during and following treatment compared with before treatment. For example, employment
among women with children dropped from 35 percent before treatment to
29 percent after treatment. Moreover, 26 percent of women who received welfare income
in the year before treatment also received earnings from full- or part-time employment during
some part of that year, and 24 percent of women who received welfare income before
treatment received earnings from employment in the year after treatment.
These generally disappointing employment results, presented in the first CALDATA report,
may be at least partially explained by concurrent changes in the California labor market.
- Table 5.2 shows a statewide downturn in employment in California over the study period.
The unemployment rate steadily increased from 5.6 percent in 1990, the "baseline" year for
most CALDATA clients, to over 9 percent in 1992/1993, the "follow-up" period for most
CALDATA clients.
- These patterns are apparent for men and women; data from the Los Angeles and San
Francisco MSAs also show the same trend.
- Substance abusers, if employed, tend to be employed in blue collar and lower-wage paying
jobs that are disproportionately affected by employment fluctuations. More study of
California s unemployment and the CALDATA population are needed to help understand
the apparent worsening of employment among substance abusers noted in CALDATA.
Table 5.2
Unemployment in California, 1989 - 1993
| |
Number Unemployed |
Total
| Percent Unemployed
Men | Percent Unemployed
Women | Percent Unemployed Los Angeles | Percent Unemployed San Francisco |
| 1989 | 737 | 5.1 | 5.1 | 5.1 | 4.7 | 3.3 |
| 1990 | 823 | 5.6 | not avail. | not avail. | not avail. | not avail. |
| 1991 | 1119 | 7.5 | 7.9 | 7.1 | 5.8 | 3.3 |
| 1992 | 1382 | 9.1 | 9.4 | 8.6 | 8.0 | 4.8 |
| 1993 | 1407 | 9.2 | 9.7 | 8.7 | 9.7 | 6.1 |
Source: U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, Geographic Profile of Employment and
Unemployment. Multiple editions; U.S. Statistical Abstracts, multiple editions. 1990 Gender and MSA
data not available at present.
Conclusion
The benefits of treatment as measured from the point of view of taxpayers, including
reductions in crime, transfer payments, and health care expenditures, outweighed the costs of
treatment for men and women and for those who received welfare income, were raising children
prior to entering treatment, or expressed parenting concerns as a reason for seeking treatment.
An average treatment episode lasted about three months, cost about $1,400, and yielded benefits to
taxpayers during and after treatment worth about $10,000, with the greatest share of benefit
deriving from reductions in the economic burden of crime. The measured benefit to taxpayers exceeded
the cost of treatment by 6 to 1 for women with children who did not receive welfare and 2« to 1 for
women with children who did receive welfare. Benefits were lower among women than men,
and especially among women who were parents or received welfare, principally because women,
especially those with children or receiving welfare initially committed less crime than men.
The role of treatment in moving persons from economic dependency to greater self-support
was difficult to evaluate in CALDATA, because overall unemployment rose steadily in
California throughout the period under study, from about 5.6 percent to 9.2 percent, and the treated
population largely worked in occupations that are disproportionately affected by employment fluctuations.
Nevertheless, from the standpoint of social welfare policy, particularly as it bears on families, we
believe these cost/benefit calculations provide clear encouragement for the support of treatment.
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